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A Few Exceptions Worth Noting Chicago Manual / October 11, 2022 Updated August 12, 2025

A Few Exceptions Worth Noting Chicago Manual / October 11, 2022 Updated August 12, 2025

A Few Exceptions Worth Noting Chicago Manual / October 11, 2022 Updated August 12, 2025

Spotlight on Exceptions

Even the most straightforward rule will be subject to an exception sooner or later. That’s why CMOS qualifies so many of its rules with usually or generally. But some exceptions are so common that they deserve to be called rules themselves.

Let’s examine some of the more notable exceptions in terms of the rules they break.

Seven Rules, Eight Exceptions

The following seven rules—and their exceptions—can all be found in CMOS, either explicitly or by example (and sometimes both). To put Chicago’s rules in perspective, some additional exceptions recommended by other guides are also mentioned where relevant, in the explanations following the examples.

1. Do not add an apostrophe to form a plural.

Exception: Individual letters.

Example 1: There are two l’s and two a’s in the word llama.

Example 2: I got A’s in my science classes but B’s in everything else.

Most of us know that it’s two bananas, not two banana’s. But sometimes an apostrophe clarifies a plural that would otherwise be difficult to read.

In Chicago style, letters used as letters usually get italics, but italics alone are too subtle to differentiate a lowercase letter from its plural ending. Compare “two ls and two as” with the first example above; the apostrophes in the example (l’s and a’s) help to clarify that these aren’t the words Is and (especially) as.

Apostrophes can also be helpful with capital letters, where italics aren’t always used, as with letter grades or in the expression “the three R’s.” The meaning of “three Rs” is clear enough without an apostrophe, but what about “two As”?

The pluralizing apostrophe, which had been dropped as a requirement for capital letters in recent editions of CMOS, is once again Chicago style as of the eighteenth edition (see CMOS 7.15).*

Some style guides also specify apostrophes for the plurals of numbers (1920’s) and for abbreviations in all caps (YMCA’s). In Chicago style, that would be 1920s and YMCAs.

For more on the apostrophe—which is more commonly used in contractions and possessives (when it’s not acting as a single quotation mark)—go to “Chicago Style Workout 65: Apostrophes” and take the quiz.

2. The words in a direct quotation should reflect the source exactly.

Exception: The capitalization of the first letter of quoted text can be adjusted to suit the syntax of the surrounding sentence.

Example: Regarding copyright, the US Constitution gives Congress the power “to promote the Progress of Science and useful Arts, by securing for limited Times to Authors and Inventors the exclusive Right to their respective Writings and Discoveries.”

In the Constitution itself (art. 1, sec. 8), that opening “to” begins with a capital T—but only because it’s the first word in the eighth of eighteen enumerated powers, each of which begins with the word “To.” Outside the context of the original, the capital T has little significance, and Chicago says that it can be adjusted as needed (see CMOS 12.7, rule 3). (The original capitalization of words like “Progress,” “Science,” and “Arts” is more than circumstantial and is therefore retained.)

Some styles say to bracket any such change (i.e., “[t]o promote . . .”; see CMOS 12.21). Those brackets may help readers find the quoted words in the original more quickly, but any advantage from this intervention (which might be required dozens of times in the typical literary or historical study) is too small to justify making it mandatory outside of certain legal and textual studies.

3. Do not begin a sentence or a heading with a lowercase letter.

Exception: Words like iPhone and eBay.

Example: iPhones can always be found on eBay, even if you’re looking for a newer model.

Though some styles say to apply an initial cap to words like iPhone at the beginning of a sentence or heading, such words already feature a capital letter; they don’t need any extra help from the Shift key. See CMOS 8.155.

4. Do not begin a sentence with a numeral.

Exception: Terms that include a mix of letters and digits.

Example: 7-Eleven is known to many as the home of the Slurpee.

Numerals at the beginning of a sentence can be hard to read, especially in a work that features old-style numbers, many of which look like lowercase letters. In the example below, notice how the number 150 is almost hiding at the beginning of the second sentence (whereas the word “Because” stands out as intended):

The initial capital in a term like “7-Eleven” or “3D” makes this less of a problem, as do the parentheses in a term like “401(k).” So for the eighteenth edition we added such terms as exceptions to the usual rule (see CMOS 9.5).

Four-digit years are also usually recognizable at the beginning of a sentence—especially when old-style numerals aren’t being used—so we now allow those also. But we still advise a workaround as the better option: The year 1937 . . .

5. For spelling, follow Merriam-Webster. If an entry lists two or more spellings, choose the first.

Exception: The Chicago Manual of Style spells copyeditor as one word.

The term was first recorded in the Manual as two words, in the index to the twelfth edition: “Copy editor. See Manuscript editor.” But it was spelled as one word in the thirteenth edition (published in 1982), and we’ve never looked back.

Unlike the verb copyedit, which is listed first in Merriam-Webster (ahead of the two-word form copy edit), the noun copyeditor is a “less common” variant (behind the first-listed two-word form copy editor). But we like how the one-word noun copyeditor is consistent with the first-listed verb form—and with the related nouns copyholder, copywriter, and copyreader. See also CMOS 7.1 and 7.2.

6. Abbreviations form the plural by adding s.

Exception 1: Abbreviations for units of measure, which are invariable in both the metric system and the older imperial system—as in 8 km or 3 in. (not 8 kms or 3 ins.).

Exception 2: Irregular plurals like pp. (pages, sing. p.) and MSS (manuscripts, sing. MS) and plurals of abbreviations that already end in s (e.g., trans., which can be used for one translator or more than one translator).

Plurals are always subject to irregularities; abbreviations are no exception. See CMOS 7.15, 10.59, and 10.73 for more details and examples.

7. Each new paragraph in a book gets a first-line indent.

Exception: The first paragraph in a chapter or section.

This is more of a convention than a rule (though CMOS now mentions it; see paragraph 2.15). In the first ten editions of CMOS, judging by the prefaces, first paragraphs were indented—as in the preface to the 1906 first edition:

Here’s the beginning of the preface to the eighteenth edition (in a screenshot from the PDF file used as the basis of the printed book). Note how the first paragraph (but not the second) begins flush left (the intervening epigraph also begins flush left, as most do):

Most books are designed this way now. It’s a nice distinction that shows how the absence of an indent can be almost as meaningful as an indent. Exceptions should always do this. In the context of rules designed to promote consistency and clarity, any departure should be made with the reader in mind.

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Rethinking Courtesy Titles in Obituaries

It’s time to show respect by not overemphasizing gender. https://consciousstyleguide.com/rethinking-courtesy-titles-in-obituaries/

By Steve Bien-Aimé • March 20, 2019

When we die, we lose much of our say in how we want our lives, achievements, and identities framed in obituaries—that power is given to editors and journalists, who often follow industry norms.

Even though most U.S. publications have stopped using courtesy titles, exceptions are sometimes made for obituaries, where Mr., Ms., and so on are used to show respect. For example, Philly.com, the website for The Philadelphia Inquirer and Philadelphia Daily News, generally does not use honorifics; however, in a 2018 obit for legendary Philadelphia Eagles player Tommy McDonald, an honorific was used—for him and no one else. Honorifics also hold a precious place in certain cultural contexts, such as racial or regional. Using titles in the South, for example, can be a matter of respect and even racial equality.

Even though most U.S. publications have stopped using courtesy titles, exceptions are sometimes made for obituaries.

Gendered honorifics, however, can have unintended harms. For some, the discomfort arises from the inherent emphasis on one part of a person—gender—when we go through life with many identities. Language shapes how we interpret reality, so placing a gender modifier before a person’s name gives the impression that we should be viewed through gender first and that all other characteristics fall in descending importance. The resulting issue is that some people don’t want to be viewed primarily through their gender. Also, courtesy titles for men and women are unequal: Before the use of Ms., the courtesy titles Miss and Mrs. revealed a woman’s marital status when married and unmarried men shared the status-free Mr.

The courtesy titles with longevity are ones without a gender bias. Because of systemic erasure of women’s achievements, some women with a PhD have added Dr. to their Twitter handles. My Northern Kentucky University colleague Alina Campan, an associate professor in computer science, says that while Mrs. is too general for her, she would want to be called Professor in an obituary because “My career defines a lot of who I am. I act in this role, and it has become an inherent part of my personality.”

Placing a gender modifier before a person’s name gives the impression that we should be viewed through gender first.

Associated Press Stylebook editor Paula Froke noted that AP style generally recommends not to use courtesy titles. However, she said by email that “If the person was a medical doctor, we would use Dr. as the title on first reference in an obituary just as we would in any other kind of story. Same with the Rev., when relevant.” Journalism bellwether The New York Times, which still uses courtesy titles except in certain sections, permits alternate courtesy titles, said the Times’ associate managing editor for standards, Philip B. Corbett, in an email. Mx., for example, has seen increasing acceptance for those failed by gender binaries or don’t believe in gendered honorifics.

Though journalists have begun using Mx., its usage is drawing attention in different ways. After The New York Times used Mx. in 2015, it explained its decision in a column: “People inside and outside the newsroom wondered if ‘Mx.’—an unfamiliar term to many—had suddenly taken its place alongside ‘Mr.’ and ‘Ms.’ in our stylebook’s entry on courtesy titles. The short answer is no. Or not yet. Or perhaps, ask me again in a while. Things are changing fast in this area.”

The courtesy titles with longevity are ones without a gender bias.

Recognizing societal changes, the 2017 Associated Press Stylebook called for editors and journalists to modify their language: “In stories about people who identify as neither male nor female or ask not to be referred to as he/she/him/her: Use the person’s name in place of a pronoun, or otherwise reword the sentence, whenever possible. If they/them/their use is essential, explain in the text that the person prefers a gender-neutral pronoun. Be sure that the phrasing does not imply more than one person.”

Introducing new terms and meanings can be a balancing act. While the visibility of Mx. indicates progress, explaining why Mx. was used for specific people might inadvertently overemphasize an aspect that is not germane to the story, such as the person’s gender. However, providing detailed explanations might be part of necessary growing pains as it takes a conscious effort to normalize new practices. As such, some educators are bringing the knowledge into the classroom: One substitute teacher engages with students about gender diversity by introducing themself with Mx.

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Mx., for example, has seen increasing acceptance for those failed by gender binaries or don’t believe in gendered honorifics.

It’s important to differentiate between someone highlighting one of their identities (such as gender) versus an outsider’s description presenting their own bias (such as that gender is the primary identity). Habitual use of gendered honorifics reinforce one identity over and over, which causes other elements of one’s life to be overlooked. Determining the salience of something so personal as identity is hard—for some it’s their job, for others it’s their family roles—especially when the subject isn’t here to clarify. Thus, it’s time to end gendered courtesy titles in obits. As linguistic conventions evolve (as they always do), we must remember our complexity as individuals and to respect one another by not overemphasizing one identity in lieu of others.

Steve Bien-Aimé is an assistant professor of journalism at Northern Kentucky University. Before receiving his doctorate from Penn State’s College of Communications, Steve worked as a copy editor at The News Journal in Delaware and The Baltimore Sun and served in a variety of functions at FOXSports.com, departing as deputy NFL editor. His research interests include race and gender portrayals in news and sports media.

Science says you need a human transcriptionist!

It’s complicated . . .From Psychology Today

Listening, in particular, was more demanding. As stories unfolded into complex ideas, listeners recruited a broader set of brain regions involved in memory retrieval, sustained attention, and social cognition. These included areas like the angular gyrus and posterior cingulate cortex, which help link incoming language to stored knowledge, and the medial prefrontal cortex, which supports imagining other people’s thoughts and intentions.

These networks allowed the listener not only to absorb the speaker’s words but to track their meaning over time, integrate it with prior knowledge, and infer intention. Speaking did not require the same level of integration. It remained more localized, focused on generating language and responding to immediate context. This involved regions like Broca’s area in the left frontal lobe, which helps plan speech, and nearby motor areas responsible for controlling the muscles used in speaking.

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Cognition

How the Brain Builds Conversations Across Time

Related brain processes—speaking and listening—use distinct systems.

Posted July 14, 2025 | Reviewed by Devon Frye

Key points

  • The brain builds conversational meaning across multiple timescales, from short phrases to full narratives.

  • While brief segments rely on shared brain regions, others engage different systems for speaking and listening.

  • These findings explain how people keep track of conversations and shift fluidly between roles.

“Happy talk,

Keep talkin’ happy talk,

Talk about things you’d like to do.”

These lyrics from South Pacific hint at something deeply human: Our lives unfold through talk.

Our conversations give form to our thoughts and tie us to one another. But beneath the surface of every spoken exchange lies a complex neural process, one that shapes how we create and interpret meaning together.

A new study published in Nature Human Behaviour reveals that the brain organizes this exchange by adapting to the timescale of the conversation. At shorter intervals, the brain uses overlapping systems for both speaking and listening. But as the dialogue stretches into full thoughts or stories, speaking and listening begin to rely on distinct processes. This layered structure helps explain how people carry out fluid, responsive conversations.

How the Brain Follows Conversations

To explore the inner mechanics of dialogue, researchers in Japan invited pairs of individuals to engage in unscripted conversation while lying in separate scanners, speaking through headphones and microphones. Their goal was not to study isolated words or scripted exchanges, but the fluid, spontaneous rhythms of how human communication unfolds in daily life.

The researchers segmented each conversation into varying lengths, from fleeting phrases to full narrative arcs. They then examined how the brain responded to these different timescales. During short exchanges, the same neural systems were active whether a person was speaking or listening. It seemed that, in the early moments of a conversation, both parties relied on a shared set of circuits to manage the rapid flow of words. However, as the conversation deepened and the timescale lengthened, the brain began to diverge in its treatment of each role.

Listening, in particular, was more demanding. As stories unfolded into complex ideas, listeners recruited a broader set of brain regions involved in memory retrieval, sustained attention, and social cognition. These included areas like the angular gyrus and posterior cingulate cortex, which help link incoming language to stored knowledge, and the medial prefrontal cortex, which supports imagining other people’s thoughts and intentions.

These networks allowed the listener not only to absorb the speaker’s words but to track their meaning over time, integrate it with prior knowledge, and infer intention. Speaking did not require the same level of integration. It remained more localized, focused on generating language and responding to immediate context. This involved regions like Broca’s area in the left frontal lobe, which helps plan speech, and nearby motor areas responsible for controlling the muscles used in speaking.

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In this asymmetry lies a profound insight. To speak is to project thought outward, but to listen is to reconstruct another person’s inner world. It is no surprise, then, that the brain allocates its deepest resources to the act of listening.

Why Speaking and Listening Feel So Different

To uncover how this works, the researchers constructed computational models capable of predicting whether a person was speaking or listening based solely on their brain activity.

Even the smallest acknowledgments, like “right,” “uh-huh,” and “you know,” elicit stable patterns in the brain. These fragments serve a subtle but vital purpose. They signal presence, mark engagement, and keep the rhythm of dialogue intact. In doing so, they reflect the fundamentally social nature of language: We do not speak into a void, but to be heard, understood, and affirmed.

As conversations become emotionally charged or intellectually complex, the gap between speaker and listener widens. The listener, more than the speaker, must navigate shifting layers of meaning. This involves not only cognitive effort, but emotional attunement.

Brain areas like the anterior insula and amygdala become more active during emotionally rich moments, helping the listener register tone and affect. Other regions, such as the temporoparietal junction, help track the speaker’s perspective, allowing the listener to imagine what the speaker might be feeling or intending. To listen well is to hold another person’s experience in mind, to mirror their emotions without losing oneself.

A Brain Designed for Dialogue

Conversation is more than the exchange of words. It is a layered, time-dependent process involving memory, emotion, attention, and the ability to switch between speaker and listener. The brain makes this possible by drawing on flexible systems: some geared for rapid responses, others tuned for extended stretches of meaning.

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What emerges is a brain finely shaped for connection. As South Pacific reminds us, “Happy talk, keep talkin’ happy talk.” The complex choreography within the brain allows us not only to speak, but to understand and be understood.

References

Yamashita, M., Kubo, R., & Nishimoto, S. (2025). Conversational content is organized across multiple timescales in the brain. Nature Human Behaviour, 1-13.

About the Author

William A. Haseltine, Ph.D., is known for his pioneering work on cancer, HIV/AIDS, and genomics. He is Chair and President of the global health think tank Access Health International. His recent books include My Lifelong Fight Against Disease.

Online:

Access Health, Facebook, X, LinkedIn

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Facts are a slippery thing with the Copilot() function in Excel

Read the full article • Share this on Facebook – X/Twitter – Threads – BlueSky

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Our 30th year of watching Word, Excel, Outlook and PowerPoint.

20 August 2025 – Vol. 30 No.32

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Just like Copilot or its parent ChatGPT, the Copilot function in Excel use for analysis but not so much for getting hard facts. Our testing of the new Copilot() feature shows that no-one should trust what AI says is true.

We’ve taken Microsoft’s example and extended them a little to show the real-world pitfalls and tricks for using Copilot() in Excel. It wasn’t hard to find factual errors in Copilot() responses, some big, small or not understandable!

Some lessons we learned from Copilot()

  • Copilot has a slippery and changing concept of ‘truth’.

  • Carefully word the prompt and context.

  • Carefully check results.

  • Sorting has to be done as part of the Copilot prompt, but isn’t always correct.

  • Filtering to exclude some results, individual or as a group, can be done in the prompts

  • Copilot has trouble parsing first and last names with a middle initial.

  • Headings for Copilot() lists may or may not appear. Better to be specific.

Airports

Microsoft’s Copilot() example shows how to get a list of airports.

Source: Microsoft

Like most Microsoft carefully chosen examples, if you do a little digging the problems arise.

We add a filter by population and asked for more details “Airports in cities over half million people, show airport name and code”

As you can see, Copilot() returns a dynamic (spill) array which can include multiple columns.

However, there are problems:

  • Gold Coast/Tweed Heads has a population of over 700k and it’s airport should be on the list.

  • Canberra and Newcastle have populations just over 500k and should have been included.

  • The proper name is “Sydney Kingsford Smith Airport”. Changing the prompt to ask for “full airport name” gives a more accurate result.

    • Just one example of how careful wording of AI prompts is important.

Which only confirms what we’ve said about AI for some time:

Always check the facts and be careful about the wording of prompts.

Another factual error

Just another factual error we found in our testing. Asking for ” Airports in cities over half million people, show airport name and code” for the UK might seem correct but it’s not.

London has 5 or 6 airports (it depends). However, you define “London airports”, it should at least include Gatwick (LGW) and London City (LCY). Luton, Stansted and especially Southend are also called “London airports” with a certain generosity of spirit .

Copilot makes the same mistake with New York, only listing JFK and not La Guardia (LGA).

But change the prompt to ask for distance from a location and suddenly Gatwick airport appears! LCY, which is even closer to Greenwich, is still missing.

This isn’t pedantic nit-picking, it’s examples of a common problem with the current AI systems. We rarely get a ‘factual’ result from Copilot or ChatGPT that doesn’t need some changes.

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What is peer review?

What is peer review?

In this clear and accessible explainer for The Conversation, clinical academic Joshua Winowiecki breaks down the peer review process — where anonymous experts evaluate research for quality, rigor, and clarity. While not without flaws, peer review remains a cornerstone of academic credibility. A useful primer for anyone navigating scientific literature, whether in healthcare, education, or beyond.

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Reviewer 1: “This manuscript is a timely and important contribution to the field, with clear methodology and compelling results. I recommend publication with only minor revisions.”

Reviewer 2: “This manuscript is deeply flawed. The authors’ conclusions are not supported by data, and key literature is ignored. Major revisions are required before it can be considered.”

These lines could be pulled from almost any editorial decision letter in the world of academic publishing, sent from a journal to a researcher. One review praises the work, while another sees nothing but problems. For scholars, this kind of contradiction is common. Reviewer 2, in particular, has become something of a meme: an anonymous figure often blamed for delays, rejections or cryptic critiques that seem to miss the point.

But those disagreements are part of the peer-review process.

a robot holds a manuscript and says 'No. No. I don't like the font.'

A world of memes – like this one shared on Reddit – has sprung up about the ridiculous feedback provided by a mythical Reviewer #2. Reddit/r/medicalschool

As a clinical nurse specialist, educator and scholar who reviews studies in nursing and health care and teaches others to do so critically as well, I’ve seen how peer review shapes not just what gets published, but what ultimately influences practice.

Peer review is the checkpoint where scientific claims are validated before they are shared with the world. Researchers and scholars submit their findings to academic journals, which invite other scholars with similar expertise – those are the peers – to assess the work. Reviewers look at the way the scholar designed the project, the methods they used and whether their conclusions stand up.

The point of peer review

This process isn’t new. Versions of peer review have been around for centuries. But the modern form – anonymous, structured and managed by journal editors – took hold after World War II. Today, it is central to how scientific publishing works, and nowhere more so than health, nursing and medicine. Research that survives review is more likely to be trusted and acted upon by health care practitioners and their patients.

Millions of research papers move through this process annually, and the number grows every year. The sheer volume means that peer review isn’t just quality control, it’s become a bottleneck, a filter of sorts, and a kind of collective judgment about what counts as credible.

In clinical fields, peer review also has a protective role. Before a study about a new medication, procedure or care model gains traction, it is typically evaluated by others in the field. The point isn’t to punish the authors – it’s to slow things down just enough to critically evaluate the work, catch mistakes, question assumptions and raise red flags. The reviewer’s work doesn’t always get credit, but it often changes what ends up in print.

So, even if you’ve never submitted a paper or read a scientific journal, peer-reviewed science still shows up in your life. It helps shape what treatments are available, what protocols and guidelines your nurse practitioner or physician uses, and what public health advice gets passed along on the news.

This doesn’t mean peer review always works. Plenty of papers get published despite serious limitations. And some of these flawed studies do real harm. But even scholars who complain about the system often still believe in it. In one international survey of medical researchers, a clear majority said they trusted peer-reviewed science, despite frustrations with how slow or inconsistent the process can be.

What actually happens when a paper is reviewed?

Before a manuscript lands in the hands of reviewers, it begins with the researchers themselves. Scientists investigate a question, gather and analyze their data and write up their findings, often with a particular journal in mind that publishes new work in their discipline. Once they submit their paper to the journal, the editorial process begins.

At this point, journal editors send it out to two or three reviewers who have relevant expertise. Reviewers read for clarity, accuracy, originality and usefulness. They offer comments about what’s missing, what needs to be explained more carefully, and whether the findings seem valid. Sometimes the feedback is collegial and helpful. Sometimes it’s not.

high angle of woman marking papers with laptop in background

Peer reviewers’ comments can help researchers revise and strengthen their work. AJ_Watt/E+ via Getty Images

Here is where Reviewer 2 enters the lore of academic life. This is the critic who seems especially hard to please, who misreads the argument, or demands rewrites that would reshape the entire project. But even these kinds of reviews serve a purpose. They show how work might be received more broadly. And many times they flag weaknesses the author hadn’t seen.

Review is slow. Most reviewers aren’t paid, with nearly 75% reporting they receive no compensation or formal recognition for their efforts. They do this work on top of their regular clinical, teaching or research responsibilities. And not every editor has the time or capacity to sort through conflicting feedback or to moderate tone. The result is a process that can feel uneven, opaque, and, at times, unfair.

It doesn’t always catch what it is supposed to. Peer review is better at catching sloppy thinking than it is at detecting fraud. If data is fabricated or manipulated, a reviewer may not have the tools, or the time, to figure that out. In recent years, a growing number of published papers have been retracted after concerns about plagiarism or faked results. That trend has shaken confidence in the system and raised questions about what more journals should be doing before publication.

Imperfect but indispensable

Even though the current peer-review system has its shortcomings, most researchers would argue that science is better off than it would be without the level of scrutiny peer review provides. The challenge now is how to make peer review better.

Some journals are experimenting with publishing reviewer comments alongside articles. Other are trying systems where feedback continues after publication. There are also proposals to use artificial intelligence to help flag inconsistencies or potential errors before human reviewers even begin.

These efforts are promising but still in the early stages of development and adoption. For most fields, peer review remains a basic requirement for legitimacy, while some, such as law and high-energy physics, have alternate methods of communicating their findings. Peer review assures a reader that a journal article’s claim has been tested, scrutinized and revised.

Peer review doesn’t guarantee truth. But it does invite challenge, foster transparency, offer reflection and force revision. That’s often where the real work of science begins.

Even if Reviewer 2 still has notes.

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